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THE PRINCIPLES

OF 

KEMALISM*

Turkish


and

Foreign


Intellectual

Impact


on Mustafa Kemal,

Works


by Atatürk,

the Six Principles

and the

Kadro's


Attempt

to Systematize

the

Kemalist


Revo-

lutian.


Prof. Dr. Türkkaya

AT AÖV


Mustafa

Kemal Atatürk

(1881 - 1938) is not generally-

known


as a "builder"

of theories.

it was

his


deliberate

choice


not

to leave


behind

an

"inflexible

doctrine".

He

wanted his teachings

to be dynamic

views suiting the need

to become contemporary

in every way. Ideologies, no doubt.

play a role in all regimes.

Many states

even seek to solve

their


problems

with


the impact

of a parti cu lar doctrine.

it

is only natural

that a mavement

like the Kemalist Revo-

lutian

should


have its own set of values.

This paper

aims,

first,


to summarize

Turkish


and

foreign


intellectual

impact


on Mustafa

Kemal, to be follo-

wed by a short bibliographical

display of his own writings,

with a conseqüent

definition

of the Six Principles (Altı Ok)

that


he authored,

with


a further

discussion

of attempts,

principally

by a group of thinkers

and writers

around

the


monthly Kadro

(The Cadre)

to systematize

Kemalist prin-

ciples. it may not be wrong to say that the paper will mainly

dwell on the

Kadro

Movement, the rest serving

as prelude.

i

Atatürk

had died a comparatively

young man. He was

less than

thirty-five

when the whole world first heard

his


*

A shortened

version

of this paper

was read

by the author

as a

basis


for discussions

during


the

"Atatürk


and Nehru

Week"


in New

De!hi


Tndia

(981).


20

THE TURKISH YEARBOOK

[VOL. XX

singular


aehievements,

and


he

was


not yet

forty when

he started

to play his historie

role of emaneipating

the


people he belonged to. Even in this young age, he seemed

eqmipped


with the intellectual

aeeumulation

that his time

required.

Mustafa

Kemal eertainly

studied and weighed Turkish

politieal thinking,

whieh was arefleetion

of historic

events.

it is true that history generally

develops as a eonsequenee

of aetions

and reaetions

of sU:eeessive smges. This prevail-

ing rule should

also be applying

to Turkey

as welL. But

Turkish

history


of the Nineteenth

and the early Twentieth

Centuries

has witnessed

a remarkable

rapidity;

events

advaneed


by leaps

and bounds.

Sueeessive

efforts


to re-

form the politieal

system

eould be observed

in the first

half


of the

last century.

Sultan

Mahmud


the

Reformer


(1808-1839), who sueeeeded

Selim the Martyr

(1761-1808),

was


inclined

towards


regeneration.

Besides


annihila.ting

the irregular

troops of the Janissaries,

he helped

to bring

about


the Hattı Şerif

of Gülhane

(1839), whieh

was a


proclamation

of reform.

Nevertheless,

the latter

did not

deal with the root eauses

of the increasing

politieal

and

eeonomie


dependenee

of the Ottoman

Empire on the great

powers. A group

of edueated

men, influeneed

by eontem-

porary


ideas, sueeeeded,

after overthrowing

Sultan

Abdul-


aziz, in obtaining

a grant


of a new Constitution

in 1876.


Sultan

.Abdulhamid

the Second, who under

the presure

of

the prevailing

eonditions,

had granted

a new Constitution,

withdrew


it, sending

Mithat


Paşa

(1825-1884), one of its

arehiteets,

to exile and lowering upon Turkey a dark cloud

of reaetion. He suppressed

independent

thinking

with every

means

available,

including

a system of espionage

hitherto

unknown.


Banishments

and


secret

exeeutions

were

the


order of his day. This suppression

eould not, however, pre-

vent, in the 1890's, the emergenee

in Saloniea,

the birth-

plaee of Mustafa

Kemal, of the Committee

of Union and

Progress.

it is well-known

that

in 1908 an open rebellion

broke against

the tyranny

of Abdulhamid,

who granted

the

desired Constitution,

only to repeal it less than a year later.

But the Maeedonian

troops, with whieh marehed

Mustafa


1980-19811

.KEMJ '.ISM

21

Kema.l, appeared

before Istanbul

and defeated

the Sultan's

garrison.

But

the new


government's

task


was

not


less

problematica!.

During

the rule of the Committee of Union

and Progress, which lasted less than a decade, Bosnia and

Herzegovina

were annexed by Austria-Hungary,

Bulgarian

independence

led to further

wars in the Balkans

and Italy

embarked

on Libyan shores. The Turanian

ideal, dreaming

of a union of all Turks of Asia and Pan-Islamism,

daiming

the unity of all Mohammedans,

were the thoughts

of this


period, characterized

by threats

from without.

it was again

during

these years

that

Mustafa


Kemal

was entertaining

a new conception

- the conception

of the

Turkish


ideal, which

would


survive

the


storm.

Mustafa


Kemal was widely read in Ottoman

history


and the works

of the Turkish

intellectuals.

No doubt,

he analyzed

the


writers

of the Tanzimat

period

(1839). Şinasi

(1826-1871l

was the first one who touched

upon popular

sovereignty.

He published

in 1859 the first volume of translation s from

various

French


poets, and more importantly

in the follo-

wing year, the first national

non-official journal

in Turkey.

In 

about two years, he was joined by Namık Kemal

0840-


1888), one of the most brilliant

writers of attornan

Turkey,

who could with grace,

force and precision

express


many

complexities

of modern

thought.


Ziya

Paşa


0825-1880)

joined forces with Şinasi and Namık Kemal, and in 1867,

his

quarrel


with

Ali


Paşa,

the


all-powerful

Vezir


of

Abdülaziz, led to his flight from his natiye country. Namık

Kemal brought

out several papers in İstanbul

and London,

as the mouthpiece

of the "Young

Ottoman


Society". His

revolutionary

plays and

poetry revealed

a passian

for


liberty

and


love for his people. Mustafa. Kemal,

in later


speeches,

qucted


Namık

Kemal's verse, making

optimistic

changes


in the couplets.

The poet tried

to build

up the


concept of popular sovereignty

on the basis of accumalation

of individual

sovereignty

over one's own affairs, but he had

difficulty

in coping with the

Islamic


interpretation

that


sovereignty

belongs to God. He urged the Caliph, in accor-

dance

with Islamic

law, to consult

with members

of his

community,

a relationship

which mayaıso

be defined as a

22

THE TURKISH YEARBOOK

iVOL. XX

"contract".

The need to consult could very well be a justi-

fication


for constitutional

government.

Namık Kemal was

trying to reconcile republican

ideas with Islamic theocracy.

That Islam could not be reformed to embrace contemporary

Republican

institutions

was, nevertheless,

the opinion

of

several


Young Turks. Among them, Abullah Cevdet

(1869-


1932) envisaged

a "Westernized"

future

Turkey, but even

he could not suggest the abolition of the Sultanate

and the


Caliphate.

Ziya Gökalp

(1875-1924) was perhaps

most inf-

luential on the intellectuals

of Republican

Turkey. Mustafa

Kemal and Gökalp had met, for the first time, in 1909 in a

congress of the Union and Progress. lt is true that Gökalp's

theories of socialorganization,

based on Emile Durkheim's

concepts of sociology, had a hold up on the train of thought

of the Turkish

Revolution. However, Kemal had an impor-

tant

disagreement

with Gökalp

on the racist

concept

of Turanism.

Mustafa

Kemal


was not only the leader,

but


alsa the ideologue

of the Turkish

Revolution.

Mustafa


Kemal had also studied

all great

movements

of history

abroad.

While a young man in Macedonia,

he

was introduced

to the French classics, especially the works

of Rousseau,

Voltaire

and Montesquieu,

through

his dose


friend

Fethi


Okyar,

whom he later

encouraged

to form


an opposition

party.


While

a young


cadet

in the


War

Academy,


he studied

the French

Revolution

thoroughly.

Later,

he made

frquent

references

to episodes

in

this

great event of history. According to him, it was the greatest

of all revolutions,

but it failed

in providing

the greatest

happiness

for

the French.

He studied

the


movement

of

independence

and republicanism

of the American

Colonies

as well as the development

of British democraey. He analy-

zed Russian Historyand

the Russian

Revolution.

He was

interested

in both the successes

and the failures

of Peter

the


Great.

He said


that

his


principles

did not rest

on

Bolshevism. On the other

hand,

in numerous

statements,

he based the rights of man on his labour and produce. He

studied,

apparently,

all great

movements,

but

chose


to

follow a road that

he thought

emanated


from the parti-

cular conditions of his country. Above all, he believed that



1980-1981

ı

KEMALISM

23

Turkey was the first country

in the world of colonies and

semi-colonies to bring to a successful

end an anti-imperia-

list struggle

taking place in the Twentieth

Century.


LI

Granted


that such was Mustafa

Kemal's


training

and


self-education,

quite a number

of foreign scholars

and wri-


ters ask their Turkish colleagues as to which works were ori-

ginally written

by him. The Institute

of the History of the

Turkish Revolution, founded on April

15, 1941,

and attached

to the Languages

and

History-Ceography

Faculty

of An-


kara

University,

has

shouldered

the

responsibility

of

collecting

and publishing

all what


he has authored.

Alt-


hough

most of his

works have

been


published

by such


offical establishments,

quite a few private publishing

houses

and several individuals

have brought

out various volumes

of

interviews,

talks and

memoirs. A near-to-comp1ete

(Turkish

and foreign)

bibliography

on Atatürk,

including

his own works, has been collected

by Muzaffer

Gökm an ,

the form er Director of the Bayazıd Library in IstanbuL. This

is a three-volume

compendium

of about


3,000 pages,

the


first

volum e of which

has

so far


been

published.

it is

printed


by the Turkish

Ministry


of Education

under


the

title of


Bibliography

of Atatürk

and History

of His Revo-

lution (Atatürk

ve Devrimleri

Tarihi BibliyografyasıJ.

The


n€xt two volumes are expected to follow. A new, annotated

bibliography,

in two volumes,

was published

in

1981


by

Türker


Acaroğlu,

who treats

the best five-hundred

Tur-


kish and foreign books.

As to the original

works by Atatürk,

one may classify

them as follows: (a) the great Speech;

(b) talks, statements,

declarations,

telegrams

and announcements;

(c) memoirs;

(d) treatises

(and


translations)

on military

science;

(e)


reports

on the Gallipoli campaigns;

(f) private

1etters; (g)

hand-written

and


dictated

notes;


(h)

unsigned


articles.

This categorisation

reveals

a diversified

form

of writing,

which

was perhaps

inevitable

in view of the

fact

that


Atatürk

was a superb orator, an able analyst

of history, a

narrator


of important

factual


details

and a formulator

of

24

THE TURKISH YEARBOOK

[VOL. XX

political testaments. He even has an unsigned book on

geometry, and is alsa believed to have written poetry.

Foremost among his works is probably the six-day

Speech (NutukJ,

deliyered to a captive audience of delega-

tes to the Second National Congress, that took place on

October 15-20, 1927. This was amarathan

feat of oratory.

The Iength and the character of the

Speech

is unconven-

tional, and its subject is a comprehensive aceount of one

of the most remarkable events in the many centuries of

Turkish history. it reveals the activity of the speaker from

the time when he felt himseıf called upon to Iead the

natian from threatened ruin to freedam and power.

After


eight years of uninterrupted

battles on three

eontinents, Turkey laid down arms when its ally Germany

collapsed. The victorious powers reserved to themselves

the right to occupy every strategic point in Turkey whiIe

the Turkish troops were still fighting in far away pIaces

such as the Hedjas or Tripali. Allied men-of-war east

anchor before the Empire's capital. The stipulations of the

Treaty of Sevres (1920),which Mustafa Kemal Paşa analyses

in his


Speech,

prove that the powers which pretended to

fight for freedam were planning a peace of annihilation

for Turkey. They were after outright

annexations, man-

dates, spheres of influenee and new vassal states. The

Greek troops, whieh Ianded at İzmir (Smyrna)

on May


15, 1919,to ereet Greater Greece, treated the Turks of the

eity as subjugated people. But Mustafa KemıU reached the

shores of Asia Minor in the north, exactly four days Iater.

He described

the cireumstances

then in the following

words, which were alsa the opening paragraphs of his great Speech:

"I landed

at Samsun

on the 19th of May, 1919. The situation

at

the


time was

as follows:

The group

of powers

which

included


the

Ottoman


Government

had


been

defeated


in

the Gree.t War.

The Ottoman

Army


had

been


crushed

on

every

front.

An armistice

had

been


signed

und er


severe

conditions,

The prolongation

of the Great

War had left the

people


exhausted

and impoverished.

Those who had driven

the


people

and the


country

into


the

general


connret

had


fIed and now cared

for nothing

but their

own safety.

Valı.

1980-1981

ı

KEMALISM

25

rleddin,


the

degenerate

occupant

of

the

throne

and


the

Caliphate,

was

seeking


for

same


despicable

way


to sava

his person

and his throne,

the only objects

of his anxiety.

The Cabinet,

of which

Damad


Ferid

Pasha


was the

head,


was weak and

lacked


dignity

and


courage., lt was subser-

vient


to the will of the Suıtan

alone


and

agreed


to every

proposal


that could protect

its members

and their sovereign.

The Army had been deprived

of their arms and ammunition,

and this state

of affairs

continued.

The Entente

Powers


did

not consider

it necessary

to respect

the terms

of the armis-

tice. On various

pretexts,

their

men-at-war

and

troops


re.

mained


in Constantinople.

The Vilayet

of Adana

was occu-

pied by the French;

Urfa,


Maraş,

Antep,


by the British.

In

Antalya

and

Konya


were

the


!talians,

whilst


at Merzifon

and


Samsun

were English

troops ... The Greek

Army,


with

the consent

of the Entente

Powers, had

landed

at İzmir .....

The danger

from ab road now averted,

Mustafa

Kemal


was moved to show his people how the new Turkey

came


about

and on


which

foundations

it was

standing.

The Speech

was a grant

account

of his political

and military

performance.

Several hundred

pages that follow the above-

quoted

opening


paragraphs

put


emphasis

on the


early

years


of the new state. Being the single major

source


of

his leadership,

it sets a high standard

of factual

detail.

The


Speech

ends with the following political testament

addressed

to the future

youth

of Turkey,

instructing

the


coming generations

on resistance

to defeat, occupation

and


collaboration

with the enemy;

"O, Turkish

Youth!


Your

primary


duty

is forever

to pre.

serve


and

defend


Turkish

Independence

and

the


Turkish

Republic.

This

is the

very

foundation

of your

existence

and

your


future.

This foundation

is your

most


precious

treasure.

In the future,

too, there

may be ili-w ili , at home

and


abroad,

wishing


to deprive

you


of this

treasure .. If,

same

day, you are compelled

to defend

your


existence

and


the Republic,

you must


not tarry

to weigh the possibilities

and

eireumstances

of the situation

before


taking

up your


duty.

These


possibilities

and


cireumstanees

may


turn

out


to

be

extremely

unfavourable.

The


enemies

conspiring

against

your


independenee

and


your

Republic


may

have


behind

them


a victory

unprecedented

in the annals

of the


world. It may be that, by foree and fraud,

all the fortresses

and

the


arsenals

of your


beloved

Fatherland

may be cap

26

THE TURKISH

YEARBOOK

[VOL. XX


tured,

all its shipyards

oeeupied,

all its


armies

dispersed

and

every


part

of the


eountry

invaded.


And

sadder


and

graver,


those who hold

power


within

the eountry

may

be in error,

misguided

and may even be traitors.

Furthermore,

they


may

identify


their

personal


interests

with


the

po-


!itical

designs


of

the invaders.

The

eountry


may

be

im-

poverished,

ruined


and

exllausted.

Youth

of Turkey's

fu-

ture, even under

such eireumstanees,

it is your duty to sav c

Turkish

Independenee

and the Repub!ie.

The strength

that

you ne ed is mighty

in the noble blood

that


eourses

in your


veins."

The


Speech

ends with these words. it was first published

in book form, in

1927,


in a two-volume

edition printed

in

the old Arabic script. it appeared

in the Latin alphabet

in

1934

in three

volumes.


Immediately

after


completing

this


unique

tour-de-force,

Atatürk

proceeded

to change

drasti-


cally the language

he so ably used throughout

his le ader-

ship. The Turkish Language Society has published in 1962 a

purified

but unabridged

version of the same (Söylev)

for


the younger

generations.

The Speech

has been translated

into a number

of languages,

including

English,


French,

German


and Russian. Prof. Dr. Özdemir

Nutku


of Ankara

University

has created

a Documentary

Play

based


on it

(1973),


Nazım

Özgüneyand

Orhan

Asena


(1970)

have


separately

put the


Speech

into verse.

The Institute

of the History of Turkish

Revolution

has


published

selected


speeches

and statements

of Atatürk

in

five volumes

0945,

1952, 1954, 1964

and

1972).


Several

individuals

(such as Prof. Dr. Herbert

Melzig, Nafi Demir-

kaya and Behçet Kemal Çağlar)

before and after the Insti~

tute's

compilations,

have

published

their

own selections.

it appears

that


the series, initiated

by the Institute,

will

continue. Separate

publications,

such as


The Minutes

of the

Sıvas Congress (Sıvas Kongresi Tutanakları

by Uluğ İğde-

mir,

1969)


or Decisions

of the Representative

Council (He- yet-i Temsiliye Kararları

by Prof. Dr. Bekir

Sıtkı Baykal,

1974)


include

hitherto


unpublished

speeches


by Atatürk.

Several of his talks have been printed

by different

govern-


ment and party organs

as well as by private

publishers

or

individuals.

Directives on Educatio;n (Atatürk'ün Maarife

1980-19811

KEMALISM


27 Ait Direktifleri,

1939) by the Ministry

of Education,

Prof.


Dr. Enver Ziya Karal's selection of Thoughts from Atatürk (Atatürk'ten Düşünceler,

1956), Mustafa

Baydar's Atatürk Savs (Atatürk Diyor ki,

1951J, Dr. Utkan

Kocatürk's

Ata-


türk's Thoughts and ldeas (Atatürk'ün Düşünceleri

ve Fi-

kirleri,

1969), Çetin Altan's

Atatürk's Social Views (Ata- türk'ün Sosyal Görüşleri,

1965) and Fethi Naci's

Atatürk's Principal Views in One-Hundred Questions (100 Soruda Atatürk'ün Temel Görüşleri,

1968) are cases in point. His

selected

speeches


also appeared

in Russian,

Arabic

and


Bulgarian.

Atatürk's

memoirs and diaries have been published

in

several

places. His diaries,

kept


1916) while he was the Commander

of the Si.xteenth Corps

in South-Eastern

Anatolia

was published

by the Turkish

Historical Society in 1972. Diaries of January

3-7, 1925, was

printed in the December 10 and 15, 1925 issues of the

Vakıt.

His memoirs, dictated

to Falih Rıfkı and encompassing

the


years 1914 to 1919 began to be published

in the daily

Milli- yet

and


Hakimiyet-i Milliye

on March


14, 1926. The same

writer re-published

the memoirs in book form in 1965. The

diary


Cin five note-books)

that


Mustafa

Kemal kept

in

Karlsbad


(Germany)

in June 30-July 27, 1918 is under the

custody

of his adopted

daughter

Prof. Dr. Afet İnan;

it

awaits publication.

His three original writings

(1909, 1911, 1912) on military

affairs

and


two translations

(1909, 1912) appeared

in a

single volum e in 1959. His

Reports on the Çanakkale Cam- paigns

were printed

by the Turkish

Historical

Society in

1962. Ruşen Eşref published in 1930 an

lnterview with Mus- tafa Kemal, the Commander

of the Anafartas.

His private

letters


were collected by Sadi Borak and

published in 1961. Prof. Dr. Afet İnan put together his hand-

written and dictated

manuscripts

in 1969. He has dictated

several


artides

for the


National Will

and


National Sove- reignty,

which he did not sign. Asım Us, one of Turkey's

the n leading journalist,

republished

in 1964 five artides

on

the Hatay

(Alexendretta)

question,

which was dictated

to


28

THE TURKISH YEARBOOK

iVOL. XX

him for the daily

Vakıt

(January


22-27, 1937). Atatürk

is

also the author

of a book on geometry,

printed


in 1937 by

the State Publishing

House and recommended

to the teac-

hers of mathematics.

III


Although

Mustafa


Kemal

Atatürk


did

not


want

to

"freeze" the philosophy of the new state within the confines

of a parti cu lar doctrine, he nevertheless

named six princip-

les in the 1930's, showing a general

direction

with roots in

reaIism. They were : RepubIicanism,

Nationalism,

PopuIism,

Reformism,

Secularism

and Statism. Republicanism

was understandably

the first

of these


principles.

Mustafa Kemal entertained

the ideas of a repub-

lican regime when he was a young cadet in the War Colle-

ge. The repubIican

element


was present

not only in the

legacy of the French

Revolution, but also some Iimitation

on the autocratic

power of the Sultan

was put within the

Ottoman


institutions.

This occurred

most notably

in the


first 1876 Constitution,

which nevertheless

left the Suıtan

with the right

to initiate

legislation

and cast a veto. Not

until the Young Turk Revolution

was the Sultan

required


to swear fideIity to the people. But it was the Ankara

Go-


vemment

which in 1921 gave the sovereignty

of the people

constitutional

recognition.

Mustafa


Kemal, as a young officer first in Macedonia

and then in Syria, could see that the Ottoman

Empire was

disintegrating.

Only a national

Turkish state could replace

it. it was him who drew the map of the new RepubIic. The

territories

would compose of the are as predominantly

Tur-


kish, and the whole of Anatolia

would constitute

the ma-

jority of the country. The Hittites, the Frigians, the Greeks,

the Romans

and


the Seljuk Turks had

been,


throughout

history,


sovereign

on various

different

portions


of Asia

Minor and hen ce their eventual

disintegration.

Even while

selecting

Ankara


as the new capital, he knew that he was

acting in proper evaIuation

of historical

facts.


With the estabIishment

of the Grand National Assembly



1980-1981

)

KEMALISM

,

,

~,

'.

~

29

in Ankara

on April" 23 1920, the Republicwas

aIready

İns-


talled as a legal system and working

organizations.

Since

the empire was no more, its religious

and political

figure-


head was deprived

of its importance

and function.

Hence,


Pı.epublicanism was intervowen

with Nationalism.

For Ata-

türk, the Republic also meant a democratic

state. He belie-

ved that popular

sovereignty

ought to be protected

by new

laws, a new cadre of legalists and a two-party system (which

he tried twice). The principle

of the supremacy

of Parlia-

ment was so well established

that the suggestion

of allowİng

the President

(no other than Atatürk

himselO was rejected.

(Later, the principle

that the representation

of the will of

the people.in

the Parliament

could not be denied was utili-

zed by the Democrat

Party governments

[1950-1960] to jus-

tify their hold on power. And when the suggestion

of giyİng

the Prime Minister the power to dissolve the Parliament

was


considered

during


the discussions

on the 1961 Constitution,

it had to be immediately

put aside on account of the convic-

tion that the assembly

was supremeJ

Nationalism

was another

pnnciple-new

for the Turkey

of the 1920's. The policy which he considered

to be clear and

enforceaıble was nationalist

policy. He said that the re could

be no greater

mistake


than to be a Utopian. By "nationalist

policy",


he meant:

" ... Within

our

national


frontiers,

to

work for the real happiness

and development

of our nation

and our country, relying above all ou'our

own strength

for

the preservation

of our existence,

to refrain

from inducing

our people to pursue

deleterious

aims and to expect from

the civilised world human

treatment

and frİendship

based


on reciprocity."

He descrİbed

the Turkish

motherland

as

"abandoned",

looking

like a "graveyard-without

life and

development".

But he saw treasures

beneath


it, on which

lived a gallant

people. He said that

the Turks

had gone

through


a long and arduous

struggle


for the sake of the

integrity

of their country.

His objective was the reinforce-

ment and preservati0n

of this integrity.

For him, it was an

unrealisable

aim to unite

eve n all the Turks İn the world

withİn the boundaries

of a single state. This was a truth

that bitter

and bloody conflicts had clearly

demonstrated.

30

THE TURKISH YEARBOOK

IVOL. XX

He saw nothing

in history

to show that Pan-Turanism

or

Pan-Islamism

could have succeeded and how these concepts

could find abasis

for their realisation.

First of all, lust of

conquest was out of the question. Our people had substitu-

ted the bond of Turkish

nationalism

for the religious

and

sectarian

bonds. He said:

"Ours is nationalist

government.

it is out-and-out

materialistic,

with a penchant

for realism.

it is a government

which refrains

from committing

such

crimes as following illusory ideals, not to attain

them, but

fancying


that

they will be attained,

to lead

the nation

against

rocks or to sink it in swamps and at last to sacri-

fice its existence."

Just


as Turkish

nationalism

was not

racist


and irredentist,

it was based on "full and complete

independence",

by which Atatürk

meant

"unfettered

inde-

pandence


in the political,

economic, juridical,

cultura1,

in

fact, in every sphere. Lack of independence

in any one of

these spheres,"

he said, was "a negation

of independence

within

the fullest

meaning

of the terrn." Our nationalism

opposed all particularisms,

respected

the patriotism

of ot-


hers and favoured

movements

of national

liberation.

De-

cades had to pass before the United Nations would declare

that

nations


had

sovereignty

over their

own natural

re-

sources, but Atatürk's

Turkey had proclaimed

this a wor-

king principle, giving the state responsibility

for production

as well as protection. The Turkish Historical Society, (which

interpreted

history

anew),


the Turkish

Language


Society

(which led the drive to purify the language)

and the People's

Houses


(created

in every province

and district

to become

centers

of culture

and artistic/literary

activities)

were the

natural


results of the same principle

of sober nationalism.

Populism

was, in part, the result

of Mustafa

Kema,l's


early reading

in history,

philosophy

and government.

He

added a populist

dimension

to the democratic

concepts

of

the French

R9volution. He fully believed

that


the people

were the real fontain-head

of every secret of success and

of every kind of power and authority.

Arter the First Cong-

ress of History was over, a delegate

said to Atatürk:

"An


ıtalian writer Count Sforza has described

you as a dictator.

"1, a dictator!"

ejaculated

Atatürk.

He continued:

" ... Before

1980-1981

1

KEMALISM




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